On 4th December 2025 the Donald Trump administration released the new National Security Strategy (NSS) of the United States of America. The document, which constitutes the primary roadmap of security and foreign policy, outlining national interests, addressing threats and defining strategic priorities, may provide some reference points for understanding Trump’s vision of international affairs. What are the key takeaways on Asia?
- Asia: a top priority after homeland
The new NSS hails Asia as the top US foreign policy priority. It is only preceded by the Western Hemisphere, which exerts direct impact on the US homeland security as the principal source of direct threats related to drugs and migration. NSS recognises Asia, also interchangeably referred to as the Indo-Pacific, as the central place in today’s global economic and geopolitical dynamics, stating that America’s domination there underpins prosperity “at home”. The document reiterates the US commitment to maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific, but it is clear this pledge must, in the first place, serve the US national interests, and cannot eclipse the goal of rebalancing trade relations in the US’ favour. America’s approach towards Asia is defined largely through the prism of economic interests, which can be identified as a central thread throughout the entire NSS.
- China: between economic competition and engagement
The NSS voices criticism of the previous administrations’ approach to China. It states that promoting its integration into the global economy has led to the current trade imbalance. The new strategy and its language signal a departure from former policy. While the previous Trump and Biden administrations positioned China as a political and military contender, eroding international order and American security, this NSS lacks the “great power competition” tone and frames Beijing mainly as an economic competitor. The 2025 NSS is the first since 1988 not addressing democracy or human rights issues. One of the main objectives of Trump’s Asia policy will certainly be to reconfigure the “unbalanced” economic relations with China, with decoupling in areas critical to national security, such as rare earth elements, as a key tenet. The NSS, however, leaves room for engagement with Beijing to “maintain genuinely mutually advantageous economic relationship”.
- Taiwan and the First Island Chain: deterrence
Besides reducing the current trade deficit with China, the US strategy in Asia will concentrate on deterring a conflict over Taiwan and other parts of the First Island Chain. In contrast to the previous documents, the new NSS does not explicitly mention the “one China” policy, just stating the US commitment to the “longstanding declaratory policy” of not supporting any unilateral changes to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The importance of preventing a conflict over the island, mentioned for the first time as a priority, stems from its semiconductor industry and strategic location, including its proximity to key sea lines of communication. There is a clear strategic focus on securing the First Island Chain, evidenced by four references to it – the first occurrence of such mentions in an NSS. The US aims to achieve this by maintaining a favourable balance of military power – here the document heralds close defence and military cooperation with allies, noting “the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone”. The new national strategy remains silent on North Korea, potentially implying a deprioritisation of the issue.
- Allies: defence build-ups and trade balance
The NSS mentions America’s network of alliances as one of the strategic assets, echoing the longstanding view that partnerships enhance US security. Trump’s administration stresses its willingness to develop them, but concurrently emphasises restraining free-riding and trade imbalances. The new NSS treats Asian allies in a softer way than the European partners, sparing them criticism about economic decline, censorship or “prospect of civilizational erasure”. Trump will, however, keep putting pressure on Asian allies and partners, including Japan, Australia, Taiwan and South Korea, to ramp up military expenditure and develop capabilities reinforcing regional deterrence. The NSS assigns partners in the Indo-Pacific a crucial role in curbing China’s economic influence, and even suggests that Trump may seek to integrate Asian allies into a unified economic bloc. The document mentions Australia, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, the Quad format (the US, Japan, India, Australia) and India, outlining the need for its greater contribution to Indo-Pacific security, but leaves out the Philippines and the AUKUS partnership (Australia, the UK, the US).
Jakub Witczak East Asian affairs analyst at the Boym Institute. He holds a BA and an MA in International Relations with a specialisation in Asian studies, and is also pursuing a master’s degree in Global Business, Finance and Governance at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. His research interests include Japan, its foreign and security policy, international security, military alliances, transatlantic relations, Europe-Asia relations, Indo-Pacific and cross-Strait relations. He is an alumnus of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs' MIRAI programme, during which he completed the Diplomacy and Security Policy track. For four years he served as the Chairman of the Student Association of Pacific Area States at the University of Warsaw. He is also an alumnus of the Polish Forum of Young Diplomats, where he coordinated the Asia-Pacific Regional Group. In 2026 he was awarded the scholarship of the Minister of Science and Higher Education of Poland for significant scientific achievements.
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