Głosy z Azji

Searching for Japan’s Role in the World Amid the Russia-Ukraine War

The G7 Hiroshima Summit concluded on May 21 with a communiqué reiterating continued support for Ukraine in face of Russia’s illegal war of aggression. Although Japan was perceived at the onset of the war as reluctant to go beyond condemning Russia at the expense of its own interests, it has since become one of the leading countries taking action during the war.

Instytut Boyma 16.06.2023

The G7 Hiroshima Summit concluded on May 21 with a communiqué reiterating continued support for Ukraine in face of Russia’s illegal war of aggression (MOFA, 2023a). Although Japan was perceived at the onset of the war as reluctant to go beyond condemning Russia at the expense of its own interests, it has since become one of the leading countries taking action during the war (Nikkei, 2022).

As the country holding the G7 Presidency, Tokyo has led calls for Russia to withdraw its troops entirely from Ukraine, impose tough sanctions against Russia, and provide budget support for Ukraine’s reconstruction (MOFA, 2023b). This seeming shift in approach stems from two key understandings — that Russia’s aggression against Ukraine constitutes a serious challenge to the international order based on the rule of law, and that what is happening in Europe may eventually become a reality in the Indo-Pacific region.

In other words, Japan has proactively led the international community in supporting Ukraine because it senses that standing idle during this European conflict does not serve its national interests.

Challenges to the International Order

First and foremost, challenges to the existing international order threaten to destabilize the world in which Japan was able to secure peace and prosperity. The post-war liberal international order propelled Japan to its position as the world’s third largest economy and only Asian G7 member.

Recent developments threaten to undo this. Prime Minister Kishida Fumio has stated that the world faces a “historic turning point” (Prime Minister’s Office of Japan, 2023a). The 2022 Diplomatic Bluebook points out that Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has become a symbol of the “end of the post-Cold War era,” in which authoritarian countries are challenging the existing international order based on the rule of law (MOFA, 2023c). In Europe, Russia poses a threat through its illegal war against Ukraine, another sovereign state. In Asia, China’s military assertiveness and economic heft has left countries concerned about its ambitions to reshape the existing regional and international order in its favor.

In this international context, Kishida has stressed that unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force are unacceptable anywhere in the world and that it is important to maintain a free and open international order based on the rule of law (MOFA, 2023d). The latter was one of two key themes Tokyo pushed forth during the G7 Hiroshima Summit in May. Japan has also championed the “free and open Indo-Pacific” (FOIP) as a grand vision for a desirable international order. The prime minister stated in a speech in March unveiling the new FOIP plan that the concept should be the guiding perspective to avoid the international community from drifting toward division and confrontation (MOFA, 2023e). He added that defending peace is of utmost importance and that countries in the world should be able to enjoy freedom free from coercion.

The situation Ukraine faces today is incompatible with this worldview. Tokyo therefore is inclined to support Ukraine, with whom it also shares a “special global partnership” grounded in fundamental values such as freedom, democracy, the rule of law, and respect for international law and human rights — core tenets of the existing international order (MOFA, 2023f).

“Support Unique to Japan”

There are a few reasons why Tokyo may not have been as proactive about supporting Ukraine at the onset of the war. First, Japan has long sought to conclude a peace treaty with Russia. Although the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration ended the state of war and restored diplomatic ties, it failed to resolve territorial issues regarding attribution of the Northern Territories, which remain an issue today (MOFA, n.d.).

The Abe administration in particular put in strenuous efforts to engage Russia and encourage the conclusion of a peace treaty. During his premiership, Japan established a new ministerial position for economic cooperation with Russia and announced the eight-point cooperation plan to deepen economic cooperation, spending close to ¥20 billion (around $140 million) over six years (including years after Abe stepped down; 2016-2022) (Reuters, 2016; MOFA, 2016; Tokyo Shimbun, 2022).

Second, energy has been a headache for resource-scarce Japan. As of 2021, Japan’s dependence on Russian energy was at 11 percent for coal, 9 percent for LNG, and 4 percent for oil (Nikkei, 2023a). Russia constitutes a valuable alternative energy source to the Middle East, which accounts for 80 percent of imported oil (oil accounts for 40 percent of primary energy supply) (FEPC, n.d.). Due to this, Tokyo has been unable to completely cut off Russian energy even amidst the war. The Government of Japan (GOJ) has allowed a Japanese consortium to retain a stake in Sakhalin-1 and -2 in a bid to reduce dependence on the Middle East (The Japan Times, 2022).

There was a clear shift in policy as it became evident that this would be a prolonged war and that this would be the focus of the G7 Presidency under Japan. First, the prime minister’s rhetoric on the war evolved from “serious concern” at the onset to strongly criticizing Russia’s aggression and the “reckless act in clear violation of international law” (Prime Minister’s Office of Japan, 2022a; 2022b). Statements also began to include language that stressed Russia’s nuclear threat was “absolutely unacceptable” especially given Japan is the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war (MOFA, 2023g).

Second, the GOJ began imposing sanctions along with the rest of the G7. To date, Japan has suspended issuance of visas (MOFA, 2022a); implemented asset freezes on 919 Russian individuals and organizations including state banks, 327 individuals and organizations considered to be involved in the annexation of Crimea and incorporation of Eastern Ukraine (since 2016), and 35 individuals and organizations from Belarus (MOF, 2023a; 2023b; 2022); and restricted financial transactions and exports to specific entities and of specific items contributing to Russian industrial capacities including trucks and airplane engines (METI, 2023). It has also imposed export restrictions on dual-use technologies including semiconductors and chemicals convertible to weapons.

In addition, Japan has taken actions such as blocking Russian access to the SWIFT international payment system to make it difficult for Russian companies to do business and imposing a $60 per barrel price cap on seaborne oil to prevent Russia from making money on oil exports (although an exception was made for above-cap purchases) (Reuters, 2022; MOFA, 2022b; Landers, 2023). Separate price ceilings for petroleum and diesel fuel/kerosene products went into effect in February 2023 (MOFA, 2023h). As G7 President, Japan also led the establishment of the Enforcement Coordination Mechanism to address sanctions evasion and circumvention (MOFA, 2023i). One report found that Russia had circumvented sanctions and imported close to $740 million worth of semiconductors primarily through China and Hong Kong (Nikkei, 2023b). The G7 has since pledged to clamp down on third-parties aiding Russia’s attempts to circumvent sanctions (MOFA, 2023b).

Third, Japan began supporting Ukraine more robustly. A recent study by the German think tank Kiel Institute for the World Economy found that, since the start of the war, Japan has committed the fourth most aid — financial, humanitarian, and military — to Ukraine (excluding the European Union) (Kiel, 2023). At the G7 level, Japan announced in February that the members would be increasing their contributions in 2023 to $39 billion and that Japan would be providing $7.1 billion (MOFA, 2023i). It also established the Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform in January to support Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction and the G7+ Energy Sector Support grouping to maintain and restore Ukraine’s energy infrastructure (MOFA, 2023j; 2023k).

On the bilateral front, Kishida made a historic visit to Ukraine in March amidst the war and upgraded Japan-Ukraine relations to the “special global partnership” (MOFA, 2023l). Although he was the last G7 leader to visit Ukraine due to security concerns (stemming from a backward rule in Japan’s parliament requiring prime ministers to disclose foreign visits ahead of time), it nonetheless symbolized the heightened importance Tokyo was placing on supporting Ukraine (Nikkei, 2023c).

Given the constraints placed on Japan in terms of weapons procurement, support has been primarily focused on monetary, technical, and non-lethal equipment provisions. Monetary aid can be categorized as grants and loans for economic recovery and emergency provisions. The most notable include $400 million for reconstruction and $70 million grant for the restoration of energy infrastructure, as well as $5 million in agricultural production assistance and $2.57 million for winterization assistance in the electric power sector (MOFA, 2023m; 2023n; 2023o; 2023p).

Technical and other material assistance primarily centered on helping Ukrainian evacuees settle in Japan and providing expert support for necessary reconstruction efforts. For instance, as of May 31, Japan has accepted 2,444 Ukrainian evacuees to Japan (ISA, 2023a). It also passed legislation this month to establish quasi-refugee status for Ukrainians and others evacuating from conflict zones that do not fall under the narrow definition of refugees in the 1951 UN Refugee Convention (Kyodo, 2023; UN, n.d.). This will pave the way for more long-term residence in Japan (ISA, 2023b). Japan has also provided minesweeping training for the State Emergency Service of Ukraine, critical to ensuring the safe removal of Russian-placed mines that have covered area nearly twice the size of Austria (Duzor, 2023). In January, Tokyo facilitated training through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in Cambodia by local authorities trained by the Japanese in using the latest minesweeping technology (JICA, 2023).

In May, Kishida instructed his Cabinet to consider ways “unique to Japan” in which to promote public-private investment and synergize aid and Official Development Assistance (ODA) use to support Ukraine (MOFA, 2023q). This suggests a shift away from simply providing provisions — including bulletproof vests, helmets, tents, cameras, medical supplies, emergency rations, and generators — toward long-term support (MOFA, 2023r).

“East Asia Could Be the Next Ukraine”

Compared to robust economic and emergency assistance, Japan’s defense contributions paint an entirely different picture. The extent to which Japan has gone is to provide non-lethal equipment including small drones and emergency rations (MOD, 2023a). In March, Japan did provide $30 million to NATO’s CAP Trust Fund, which included the provision of non-lethal equipment (MOFA, 2023m). However, it pales in comparison to other G7 countries. For example, the United States has provided $26.7 billion since the start of the war, including munitions for surface-to-air missile systems, tanks, and air defense systems (DOD, 2023). The EU has provided $16 billion such as through the European Peace Facility (European Council, 2023); individual countries like Germany and the United Kingdom have also provided missiles, drones, and tanks (The Federal Government of Germany, 2023; GOV.UK, 2023).

Japan faces unique, self-imposed constraints on defense exports in the Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology (MOFA, 2014). Replacing the “Three Principles of Arms Exports” that had been followed for nearly half a century, the new principles announced in 2014 imposed bans on transfers to certain countries, including those involved in conflicts; limited transfers to cases promoting international peace and cooperation or Japan’s security; and ensured appropriate oversight with respect to unintended use and transfers to third countries (Sato, 2014). In March 2022, the GOJ made the unprecedented decision to revise the implementation guidelines — providing details on what was permissible and the applicable oversight procedures — to permit the transfer of non-lethal equipment like bulletproof vests to Ukraine, a country involved in a conflict (NHK, 2022; METI, 2021; MOD, 2022). Since then, Japan has been able to provide non-lethal equipment, including the recent provision of two half-ton JSDF trucks (first of one hundred trucks) (MOD, 2023b).

What prompted Tokyo to increase its defense contributions to a level never seen before? It is hard to believe Japan is supporting Ukraine simply out of altruistic motivations based on a desire to help a friend. The strategic motivation here is that standing by does no good — Japan must make contributions to receive help from others when a contingency occurs in the Indo-Pacific region. For Japan, the paramount challenge is China, which Tokyo characterizes in its 2022 National Security Strategy as an unprecedented and the greatest strategic challenge to itself and the international community (CAS, 2022). Prime Minister Kishida has hinted at the China threat too, warning that “Ukraine may be the East Asia of tomorrow” (Prime Minister’s Office of Japan, 2023b).

While it would be illogical to draw direct parallels between Ukraine and Taiwan, one can easily surmise that Beijing is watching closely to see how the United States and the rest of the world respond to an egregious case of aggression by a sovereign state against another (Templeman, 2022). Concerns for such aggression are shared across continents, so much so that Japan and NATO have noted that “the security of the Euro-Atlantic and of the Indo-Pacific is closely connected” (MOFA, 2023s).

Given high-level U.S. Military assessments on the timetable Beijing is assumed to be on (as early as 2027 and as late as the end of the decade) for a Taiwan invasion and the fact that Japan realizes the existing Japan-U.S. alliance alone cannot respond to China’s increasing presence in the region, Tokyo has sought to expand its security network of like-minded partners to include European countries (LaGrone, 2021; Shelbourne, 2021). Many of these partners are supporting Ukraine while also enhancing their presence in the Indo-Pacific region. For instance, Japan and the United Kingdom signed a Reciprocal Access Agreement to streamline defense engagements in each other’s countries (MOFA, 2023t). Japan has also increased military exercises and convened “2+2” security consultations with France and Germany, signifying growing Japan-Europe cooperation (Hornung, 2020; MOFA, 2023u; 2021). Finally, NATO is looking to establish a liaison office in Tokyo next year and update their Individually Tailored Partnership Program, symbolizing the importance of Japan as a partner and the increasing linkage between Asian and European concerns (Moriyasu and Tsuji, 2023). A caveat is that Asian and European interests do not always align, as was indicated by France’s hesitation to accept NATO’s liaison office plan (Fraser, 2023; The Japan Times, 2023).

Amid these developments, some argue that Japan must make meaningful defense contributions to Ukraine if it is to expect reciprocal treatment once a contingency in Japan’s neighborhood threatens its security (Itoh, 2023; Nikkei, 2023d). They point out that Japan is likely to run out of ammunition and other provisions once a contingency arises in Asia (Taiwan, to be exact). The ruling LDP-Komeito coalition has held working level discussions since April to consider revising the operational guidelines for the three principles on defense exports, but strong resistance remains regarding the provision of lethal weapons to countries like Ukraine (Matsumoto, 2023). Some proposals being floated include forgoing case-by-case approval of exports co-developed with other countries that the others want to provide to third countries, as well as approving the export of lethal weapons to countries facing invasions in violation of international law (Nikkei, 2023e). So far, opinion polls suggest that the Japanese people have not warmed to the idea, with 76 percent opposing the provision of weapons (Nikkei, 2023f).

Considering the constraints placed on the JSDF over combat, it is understandable that there are reservations about allowing Japan to contribute to armed conflict, which is inherently against the peace-loving nature of the country. However, it would be a testament to Prime Minister Kishida’s forward-leaning security policy and Japan’s understanding of the changing nature of the international order to move toward a controlled regime of weapons exports. Whether Tokyo can get there within the next months is up in the air (Mainichi Shimbun, 2023).

It has, for instance, made some progress on defense export rules, reportedly moving to add land mine removal (possibly Ukraine) and education and training to acceptable equipment exports (Tajima and Uechi, 2023). For now, the GOJ will focus on what it can do — including hosting an international conference on Ukraine’s reconstruction; providing $5 million in emergency humanitarian assistance after the collapse of the Nova Kakhova dam caused severe damage; and potentially supplying 155-millimeter artillery shells to the United States to bolster inventory for Ukraine’s counteroffensive against Russia (Yomiuri, 2023; MOFA, 2023v; Gale, 2023).

Japan will continue to be innovative and lead international efforts to support Ukraine despite structural limitations to its support in certain areas. These untapped areas may gradually become areas in which Japan can contribute given the benefits for its own national security and promotion of its role in the world to maintain and strengthen the existing international order.



  1. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023a), G7 Hiroshima Leaders’ Communiqué: https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100506907.pdf
  2. 様子見の日本、後追い参加 米欧主導の作業で反応遅れる. (2022), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA2741I0X20C22A2000000/
  3. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023b), G7 Leaders’ Statement on Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100506474.pdf
  4. Prime Minister’s Office of Japan. (2023a), Policy Speech by Prime Minister KISHIDA Fumio at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS): https://japan.kantei.go.jp/101_kishida/statement/202301/_00005.html
  5. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023c), 令和 5年版外交青書: https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/files/100488910.pdf
  6. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023d), Japan-Ukraine Summit Meeting: https://www.mofa.go.jp/erp/c_see/ua/page4e_001424.html
  7. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023e), The Future of the Indo-Pacific — Japan’s New Plan for a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” ­— “Together with India, as an Indispensable Partner”: https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100477791.pdf
  8. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023f), Joint Statement on Special Global Partnership Between Japan and Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100478707.pdf
  9. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (N.d.), Japanese Territory: Northern Territories: https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/q_a/faq11.html
  10. ロシア経済分野協力担当相を新設、世耕経産相が兼務=菅官房長官. (2016), Reuters: https://www.reuters.com/article/suga-russia-idJPKCN1173FT
  11. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2016), Japan-Russia Summit Meeting: https://www.mofa.go.jp/erp/rss/northern/page4e_000427.html
  12. 対ロシア経済協力に6年間で200億円投入…「無駄だった」と官庁幹部 北方領土交渉は停止. (2022), Tokyo Shimbun: https://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/article/167162
  13. エネルギー、独伊は侵攻前ロシア依存 日本は自給率1割. (2023a), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA287YC0Y3A420C2000000/
  14. The Federation of Electric Power Companies of Japan. (N.d.), Japan’s Energy Supply Situation and Basic Policy: https://www.fepc.or.jp/english/energy_electricity/supply_situation/
  15. Russia allows Japan to keep stake in Sakhalin-1 oil and gas project. (2022), The Japan Times: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/11/15/business/economy-business/sakhalin-japan-stake/
  16. Prime Minister’s Office of Japan. (2022a), フォン・デア・ライエン欧州委員会委員長及びゼレンスキー・ウクライナ大統領との電話会談等についての会見: https://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/101_kishida/statement/2022/0215kaiken.html
  17. Prime Minister’s Office of Japan. (2022b), 岸田内閣総理大臣記者会見: https://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/101_kishida/statement/2022/0303kaiken.html
  18. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023g), Japan-U.S. Summit Meeting: https://www.mofa.go.jp/na/na1/us/page4e_001323.html
  19. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2022a), Sanction Measures following the launch of military actions by Russia in Ukraine (Statement by Foreign Minister HAYASHI Yoshimasa): https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press6e_000371.html
  20. Ministry of Finance of Japan. (2023a), 資産凍結等の措置の対象となるロシア連邦の団体及び個人: https://www.mof.go.jp/policy/international_policy/gaitame_kawase/gaitame/economic_sanctions/ukraine_list_russia_20230526.pdf
  21. Ministry of Finance of Japan. (2023b), 資産凍結等の措置の対象となるクリミア「併合」又はウクライナ東部の不安定化に直接関与していると判断される者並びにロシア連邦による「編入」と称する行為に直接関与していると判断されるウクライナの東部・南部地域の関係者と判断される者: https://www.mof.go.jp/policy/international_policy/gaitame_kawase/gaitame/economic_sanctions/ukraine_list_20230526.pdf
  22. Ministry of Finance of Japan. (2023c), 資産凍結等の措置の対象となるベラルーシ共和国の個人及び団体: https://www.mof.go.jp/policy/international_policy/gaitame_kawase/gaitame/economic_sanctions/ukraine_list_belarus_20220607.pdf
  23. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (2023), 外国為替及び外国貿易法に基づく輸出貿易管理令等の改正について(ロシアの産業基盤強化に資する物品の輸出禁⽌措置): https://www.meti.go.jp/policy/external_economy/trade_control/01_seido/04_seisai/downloadCrimea/20230331gaiyo.pdf
  24. Takenaka, K., Komiya, K. and Leussink, D. (2022), Japan joins U.S., others in excluding Russia from SWIFT system, Reuters: https://www.reuters.com/business/finance/japan-joins-us-others-excluding-russia-swift-system-2022-02-27/
  25. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2022b), 外務省告示第四百四号: https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/files/100430153.pdf
  26. Landers, P. (2023), Japan Breaks With U.S. Allies, Buys Russian Oil at Prices Above Cap, The Wall Street Journal: https://www.wsj.com/articles/japan-breaks-with-u-s-allies-buys-russian-oil-at-prices-above-cap-1395accb
  27. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023h), 外務省告示第六十号: https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/files/100454999.pdf
  28. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023i), G7 Leaders’ Video Conference: https://www.mofa.go.jp/ecm/ec/page6e_000329.html
  29. 米半導体、ロシアに流入 侵攻後に1000億円規模. (2023b), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGKKZO70145620T10C23A4MM8000/
  30. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023b), G7 Leaders’ Statement on Ukraine
  31. Trebesch, C., Bushnell, K., Franz, L, et al. (2023), Ukraine Support Tracker, Kiel Institute for the World Economy: https://www.ifw-kiel.de/topics/war-against-ukraine/ukraine-support-tracker/
  32. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023j), Establishment of the Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press4e_003208.html
  33. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023k), G7 + Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on Ukraine Energy Sector Support: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press1e_000390.html
  34. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023l), Prime Minister Kishida’s visit to Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/erp/c_see/ua/page4e_001360.html
  35. 国会事前了解なし、首相のウクライナ訪問 与党には電話. (2023c), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA212BH0R20C23A3000000/
  36. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023m), Support for Ukraine through contribution to NATO’s Comprehensive Assistance Package (CAP) Trust Fund for Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press4e_003247.html
  37. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023n), Additional Assistance for Recovery and Reconstruction in Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press1e_000403.html
  38. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023o), Emergency Humanitarian Assistance for the Global Food Security: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press1e_000385.html
  39. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023p), Emergency Grant Aid for winterization assistance in Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press4e_003183.html
  40. Immigration Services Agency of Japan. (2023a), ウクライナ避難民に関する情報: https://www.moj.go.jp/isa/publications/materials/01_00234.html
  41. Japan Diet passes controversial bill to revise immigration law. (2023), Kyodo News: https://english.kyodonews.net/news/2023/06/2332cd3ad280-japan-diet-passes-controversial-bill-to-revise-immigration-law.html
  42. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (N.d.), The 1951 Refugee Convention: https://www.unhcr.org/about-unhcr/who-we-are/1951-refugee-convention
  43. Immigration Services Agency of Japan. (2023b), 入管法改正案について: https://www.moj.go.jp/isa/laws/bill/05_00007.html
  44. Duzor, M. (2023), Ukraine Is Top Recipient of US Mine Clearing Aid, Voice of America: https://www.voanews.com/a/7035800.html
  45. Japan International Cooperation Agency. (2023), 日本の技術でウクライナの地雷除去へ! カンボジアで日本製の地雷探知機の研修を実施: https://www.jica.go.jp/topics/2022/20230303_01.html
  46. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023q), ウクライナ経済復興推進準備会議(第一回会合)の開催(結果概要): https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/erp/c_see/ua/page4_005884.html
  47. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023r), Signing and Exchange of Notes for the Grant of JSDF Equipment and Goods to Ukraine: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press4e_003098.html
  48. Ministry of Defense of Japan. (2023a), ウクライナへの装備品等の提供について: https://www.mod.go.jp/j/press/news/2023/05/21a.html
  49. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023m), Support for Ukraine through contribution to NATO’s Comprehensive Assistance Package (CAP) Trust Fund for Ukraine
  50. S. Department of Defense. (2023), Biden Administration Announces Additional Security Assistance for Ukraine: https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3272866/biden-administration-announces-additional-security-assistance-for-ukraine/
  51. European Council. (2023), EU solidarity with Ukraine — Support for the Ukrainian army: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/eu-response-ukraine-invasion/eu-solidarity-ukraine/#military
  52. The Federal Government of Germany. (2023), Military support for Ukraine: https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-en/news/military-support-ukraine-2054992
  53. UK. (2023), PM welcomes President Zelenskyy to the UK ahead of anticipated Ukrainian military surge: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/pm-welcomes-president-zelenskyy-to-the-uk-ahead-of-anticipated-ukrainian-military-surge
  54. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2014), The Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology: https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press22e_000010.html
  55. Sato, H. (2014), From the “Three Principles of Arms Exports” to the „Three Principles of Defense Equipment Transfer,” The Japan Institute of International Affairs: https://www.jiia.or.jp/en/ajiss_commentary/column-217.html
  56. 防弾チョッキ提供 ウクライナに武器輸出?. (2022), NHK: https://www.nhk.or.jp/politics/articles/feature/79571.html
  57. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (2021), 防衛装備移転三原則の運用指針: https://www.meti.go.jp/press/2021/03/20220308004/20220308004-2.pdf
  58. Ministry of Defense of Japan. (2022), 防弾チョッキのウクライナへの移転に係る審議について: https://www.mod.go.jp/j/press/news/2022/03/08a.html
  59. Ministry of Defense of Japan. (2023b), ウクライナへの自衛隊車両の引き渡し式について: https://www.mod.go.jp/j/approach/exchange/area/2023/20230524_ukr-j.html
  60. Cabinet Secretariat of Japan. (2022), National Security Strategy of Japan: https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/siryou/221216anzenhoshou/nss-e.pdf
  61. Prime Minister’s Office of Japan. (2023b), Press Conference by Prime Minster Kishida Regarding His Visits to France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States of America: https://japan.kantei.go.jp/101_kishida/statement/202301/_00010.html
  62. Templeman, K. (2022), Taiwan is Not Ukraine: Stop Linking Their Fates Together, War on the Rocks: https://warontherocks.com/2022/01/taiwan-is-not-ukraine-stop-linking-their-fates-together/
  63. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023s), JOINT STATEMENT Issued on the occasion of the meeting between H.E. Mr Jens Stoltenberg, NATO Secretary General and H.E. Mr Kishida Fumio, Prime Minister of Japan: https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100453088.pdf
  64. LaGrone, S. (2021), Milley: China Wants Capability to Take Taiwan by 2027, Sees No Near-term Intent to Invade, USNI News: https://news.usni.org/2021/06/23/milley-china-wants-capability-to-take-taiwan-by-2027-sees-no-near-term-intent-to-invade
  65. Shelbourne, M. (2021), Davidson: China Could Try to Take Control of Taiwan In ‘Next Six Years’, USNI News: https://news.usni.org/2021/03/09/davidson-china-could-try-to-take-control-of-taiwan-in-next-six-years
  66. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023t), Signing of Japan-UK Reciprocal Access Agreement: https://www.mofa.go.jp/erp/we/gb/page1e_000556.html
  67. Hornung, J. (2020), Allies Growing Closer: Japan-Europe Security Ties in the Age of Strategic Competition, RAND Corporation: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA186-1.html
  68. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023u), The Seventh Japan-France Foreign and Defense Ministers’ Meeting („2+2”): https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press4e_003254.html
  69. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2021), Japan-Germany Foreign and Defense Ministers’ Meeting (“2+2”): https://www.mofa.go.jp/press/release/press4e_002994.html
  70. Moriyasu, K. and Tsuji, T. (2023), NATO to upgrade ties with Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, Nikkei Asia: https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/International-relations/Indo-Pacific/NATO-to-upgrade-ties-with-Australia-New-Zealand-South-Korea
  71. Fraser, D. (2023), Europe and Asia Remain Oceans Apart — At Least on Security, The Diplomat: https://thediplomat.com/2023/06/europe-and-asia-remain-oceans-apart-at-least-on-security/
  72. France pushes back against proposal for NATO office in Japan. (2023), The Japan Times: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2023/06/07/national/politics-diplomacy/france-japan-nato/
  73. Itoh, T. (2023), 自衛隊のスーダン邦人退避作戦に見た軍の「貸し借り」とウクライナ武器輸出の関係, Yomiuri Shimbun: https://www.yomiuri.co.jp/column/matsurigoto/20230606-OYT8T50114/
  74. 被侵略国に殺傷力ある武器 政府・自民、輸出緩和案浮上. (2023d), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA075760X00C23A3000000/
  75. Matsumoto, M. (2023), 制約だらけの兵器輸出 ルール緩和は与党内で隔たり, Sankei Shimbun: https://www.sankei.com/article/20230519-AFQ2DFILABOFVBLBC6BNWYRB3E/
  76. 防衛装備の供与、国力と連動 緩和巡り自民・公明初会合. (2023e), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA2435O0U3A420C2000000/
  77. 被侵略国に殺傷力ある武器 政府・自民、輸出緩和案浮上. (2023f), Nihon Keizai Shimbun: https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA075760X00C23A3000000/
  78. 「防衛装備移転三原則」で自公、21日から論点整理 議論を本格化. (2023), Mainichi Shimbun: https://mainichi.jp/articles/20230614/k00/00m/010/329000c
  79. Tajima, N. and Uechi, K. (2023), Japan moving to provide mine removal gear to Ukraine, Asahi Shimbun: https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/14931398
  80. 日本でウクライナ復興会議開催へ、岸田首相がゼレンスキー氏に伝達. (2023), Yomiuri Shimbun: https://www.yomiuri.co.jp/politics/20230609-OYT1T50181/
  81. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2023v), Japan-Ukraine Summit Telephone Talk: https://www.mofa.go.jp/erp/c_see/ua/page4e_001436.html
  82. Gale, A. (2023), Japan in Talks to Provide Artillery Shells to U.S. to Boost Stocks for Ukraine, The Wall Street Journal: https://www.wsj.com/articles/japan-in-talks-to-provide-artillery-shells-to-u-s-to-boost-stocks-for-ukraine-7be5ddf9
Rintaro Nishimura

Rintaro Nishimura is an analyst with the Japan practice at The Asia Group and a first-year graduate student in the Asian Studies Program at Georgetown University's Walsh School of Foreign Service. A native of Tokyo, Japan, his articles have appeared in the Georgetown Journal of Asian Affairs, The Diplomat, Tokyo Review, and Asia Tech Observer. His current research interests are focused on Japan's Indo-Pacific strategy and the geoeconomics of the region. He can be found on Twitter (@RinNishimura) and http://rintaronishimura.com

TAGI: / / /

czytaj więcej

Azjatech #55: Pandemia uderza w prywatność

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Dlaczego dzisiejsze Chiny są, jakie są? O filozofii politycznej Deng Xiaopinga, jako źródle udanej modernizacji ChRL w XX wieku

Zagadnienie wzrostu pozycji politycznej Chin na świecie stało się w ostatnich latach jednym z częściej wymienianych w dyskursie naukowym i publicystycznym czynników, które mają przyczyniać się do przeobrażeń w zastanym systemie międzynarodowym.

Azjatech #148: W Chinach przyznano pierwsze licencje na autonomiczne taksówki

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Forbes: Nowy azjatycki tygrys. Jak rozwijają się nowe technologie w Wietnamie

Wietnam przechodzi intensywną transformację cyfrową, stając się nie tylko coraz istotniejszym hubem dla start-upów i nowych technologii w krajach Azji Południowo-Wschodniej, ale także rozwijając sektor usług dla biznesu. Te zmiany są możliwe dzięki dostępności stosunkowo dobrze wykształconej i taniej kadry...

Azjatech #145: Wodorowy vs. elektryk. Szykuje się starcie motoryzacyjnych gigantów

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Długi koniec Imperium. Azja Centralna żegna się z Rosją?

Dla Władimira Putina niespodziewaną konsekwencją wojny w Ukrainie jest spadek znaczenia Rosji w Azji Centralnej. W autorytarnych państwach tego regionu nie należy się raczej spodziewać demokratycznej odwilży, ale rewizji stosunków łączących je z Moskwą – jak najbardziej.

Iga Bielawska dla portalu Wnet.fm: Rynek indyjski jest wymagający. Ma wysokie bariery wejścia

Tematem rozmowy była sytuacja epidemiczna w Indiach oraz prowadzenie biznesu w tym kraju i waga uwarunkowań kulturowych przy reklamowaniu czegoś Indusom.

Help! Czyli dlaczego Korea Południowa potrzebuje Korei Północnej?

Słynny utwór Beatlesów pt. „Help” z 1965 roku stał się pretekstem do napisania poniższego komentarza. W latach 80. i przede wszystkim 90. to Korea Północna prosiła o pomoc gospodarczą, kiedy Korea Południowa błysnęła na arenie międzynarodowej dzięki wzrostowi gospodarczemu (według Światowego Banku około 4% w stosunku rocznym między 2000 a 2009). Sytuacja gospodarcza nieco się […]

Azjatech #85: Kolejny sukces Chin w budowie maszyn kwantowych

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Utrata twarzy na rzecz maseczki – chińska dyplomacja maseczkowa

Trudno wyobrazić sobie inny symbol pandemii Covid-19 niż maseczka ochronna. Niepozorny kawałek materiału stwarza nie tylko poczucie bezpieczeństwa i ochrony przed wirusem, ale także staje się elementem polityki zagranicznej. Czy dyplomacja maseczkowa spełni pokładane w niej nadzieje, a może przyczyni się do utraty twarzy Chin na arenie międzynarodowej?

Patrycja Pendrakowska dla PR24 o napięciach na linii Chiny-Tajwan: zaognianie tej sytuacji nie jest interesem Pekinu

Serdecznie zapraszamy do odsłuchania zapisu rozmowy prezes Instytutu Boyma Patrycji Pendrakowskiej, która w rozmowie z dziennikarką PR24 Magdaleną Złotnicką skomentowała napięcia na lini Chiny-Tajwan.

RP: Najważniejsze negocjacje handlowe Unii w erze cyfrowej – układ UE-Indie

Umowy między Unią Europejską a Indiami w dziedzinie handlu, ochrony inwestycji i systemu oznaczeń geograficznych dla produktów to najważniejsze obecnie układy tego typu negocjowane przez Komisję Europejską w imieniu 27 państw unijnych.

Azjatech #74: Wodór z księżycowego lodu napędzi pojazdy kosmiczne?

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Dr Nicolas Levi dla portalu PolskieRadio24.pl o próbach rakietowych Korei Północnej

Informujemy, że nasz analityk dr Nicolas Levi udzielił wywiadu dla portalu PolskieRadio24.pl. Tematem rozmowy były próby rakietowe Korei Północnej, ich wpływ na amerykańską politykę w regionie i zachowanie chińkich władz.

Azjatech #114: Miasto-państwo buduje światową stolicę innowacji

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Tydzień w Azji #142: Polskie firmy celują w Azję Centralną. Pandemia im nie przeszkadza

Przegląd Tygodnia w Azji to zbiór najważniejszych informacji ze świata polityki i gospodarki państw azjatyckich mijającego tygodnia, tworzony przez analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Ewolucja stosunku głównych amerykańskich partii politycznych wobec Chin. Ku ogólnonarodowej antychińskiej mobilizacji?

Obserwacja działań polityków dwóch najważniejszych partii w Stanach Zjednoczonych wskazuje na stopniowe kreowanie się wspólnej percepcji Chin, jako jednego z głównych zagrożeń dla interesów USA na świecie.

Forbes: Polska na globalnym szlaku kolejowym. Czy to się nam opłaci?

Rozwój połączeń kolejowych pomiędzy Chinami a Europą jest szansą dla polskiej gospodarki i przedsiębiorców. Nie jesteśmy w stanie łatwo zmienić ujemnego salda w handlu z Państwem Środka, ale możemy maksymalnie wykorzystać szanse, jakie daje transport towarów przez nasz kraj. (...) Polskie terminale i firmy logistyczne starają się wykorzystać szansę, która jest również okazją dla firm z innych branż

Forbes: Bieda jest kobietą. Indyjski rynek pracy wyjątkiem na skalę światową

Indie to jeden z nielicznych krajów świata, w którym współczynnik aktywności zawodowej kobiet maleje wraz z rozwojem gospodarczym kraju. Zgodnie z danymi opublikowanymi przez Bank Światowy, w ciągu ostatnich 30 lat udział Indusek w rynku pracy spadł o blisko 10 proc.

Ekonomia konfliktów zbrojnych – czy wojna się jeszcze opłaca?

Serdecznie zapraszamy na spotkanie 26 lutego w biurze WeWork Mennica Legacy Tower, przy ul. Prostej 20. Tematem debaty będzie ekonomia konfliktów zbrojnych i to, czy w dzisiejszym świecie wojna jeszcze się opłaca.

Byungjin – kolejna fasada Pyongyangu

„Kiyông wysłuchiwał ich egzaltowanych, skrajnie nieprzekonujących odpowiedzi i kiwał głową. Ich ślepa wiara w ideologię Chuch’e w rzeczywistości zaczęła odbierać mu własną pewność ideologiczną. Jak mogli wierzyć w nią bez cienia wątpliwości? Po przeczytaniu kilku cienkich broszurek? Niektórzy działacze twierdzili nawet, że jej siła polega na, ściśle mówiąc, łatwości zrozumienia. W przeciwieństwie do zagmatwanych i […]

Azjatech #160: Sankcje USA pomogły Chinom. Teraz mają zupełnie nową technologię

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.

Polish-Kazakh Business Forum

An interview with Mr. Meirzhan Yussupov, Chairman of the Board of the “National Company” KAZAKH INVEST” JSC - Member of the Board of Directors of the Company

Azjatech #31: Nie tylko Huawei. Rośnie kolejny chiński gigant elektroniczny

Azjatech to cotygodniowy przegląd najważniejszych informacji o innowacjach i technologii w krajach Azji, tworzony przez zespół analityków Instytutu Boyma we współpracy z Polskim Towarzystwem Wspierania Przedsiębiorczości.