Three years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, it is entirely clear that this conflict has irrevocably changed the geopolitical landscape both in Europe and beyond and its repercussions will be felt far beyond the battlefield for years to come. This war also demonstrates that beyond traditional realms such as economy or military power, the domain of strategic narratives can be crucial in shaping global perceptions and policymaking, thus having the capability to influence the realities of conflicts on the ground.
Whereas all the major involved state actors are observing the war in Ukraine and actively using strategic narratives to frame it in alignment with their interests, China seems to be playing a different game. Unlike the US, EU, Ukraine, or Russia, Beijing’s strategic narratives on the war are not designed only to reach out to any of the warring states or their immediate allies. Instead, China’s focus reaches farther, all the way to the Global South.
China’s narratives promote it as a neutral (albeit slightly Russia-leaning) actor interested in nothing else but peace, sovereignty, multilateral cooperation, and maintenance of the provisions of international law. This vision is meant to promote China as the opposite of the “collective West” with the US at its forefront, which, in China’s eyes, is characterized by hubris, constant political overreach, and most importantly a colonial mindset.
China’s emphasis on Western interventionist pursuits and imperialist past aims at enhancing relations and creating the idea of a shared community with its partners in the Global South, who experienced Western colonialism firsthand. China believes they are the ones that could be persuaded to join its anti-Western front and ultimately help to build a new global order or at least reshape the already existing one, which has evolved into one of China’s priority objectives ever since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012.
PIVOT TO THE GLOBAL SOUTH
The primary foundations of China’s diplomatic efforts regarding the war were laid out already on February 26, 2022, when it presented the “five-point position on the Ukraine issue” (乌克兰问题的五点立场 – Wūkèlán wèntí de wǔ diǎn lìchǎng). It presents China’s commitment to respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, calls for dialogue and diplomacy in conflict resolution, and stresses the need for a long-term maintenance of a balanced European security architecture.
However, as the war was unfolding throughout the next months and years, China’s diplomatic efforts started becoming more and more oriented towards the Global South countries. A major development in that regard was the “six-point consensus” (六点共识 – liù diǎn gòngshí), jointly issued by China and Brazil on May 23, 2024, touching upon the “political settlement of the Ukraine crisis.” Apart from involving Brazil, a BRICS member and one of China’s most important partners in the Global South, the consensus’ last point seems to be an implicit message to other countries of that group. It opposes “the division of the world and creation of closed political or economic groups” and calls for international cooperation and inclusivity vis-à-vis energy, trade, food security, and infrastructure investments. In China’s eyes, these are the main issues that its Global South partners are struggling with and thus, by opposing and willing to tackle them, China hopes to garner their sympathy and support.
FIRST PILLAR: CHINA VS. THE WEST
However, taking this into account, a question arises: who, in China’s eyes, are the powers responsible for dividing the world and creating enclosed circles of influence accessible only to the chosen ones? The answer is simple: it is the West with the United States as its leader. This grievance constitutes an important first pillar of China’s courting to the Global South for two reasons. First and most important, it is a useful tool through which China is able to distinguish itself, a “peaceful, non-colonial, and respectful” superpower, from the “others” (the US and the West), who, as China says, can take at least part of the blame for the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian war due to the five consecutive rounds of NATO expansion in the past, which threatened Russia’s security. Second, once this vision is presented, this narrative can be utilized to create a sense of a shared community with the Global South by means of building on their past experiences and anti-colonial views.
In this regard, China’s message seems clear: the US and the West have not changed their mindset and approach. If we take a closer look at the war, they pursue only their own interests there and are treating Ukraine and Russia only through the prism of their own needs. It is because they perceive smaller and less wealthy states, such as the ones from the Global South, as merely pawns on the grand chessboard of global affairs, which is a mechanism well-known from the colonial era. This is why the Global South countries need a strong ally, an advocate superpower that understands and respects them and would represent their interests on the global stage. This advocate happens to be the People’s Republic of China.
SECOND PILLAR: PEACE, SOVEREIGNTY, AND INTERNATIONAL LAW
The second foundation of China’s strategic narratives on the war in Ukraine designed to appeal to the Global South is its repeated emphasis on the importance of establishing peace through dialogue, respecting sovereignty, and maintaining the provisions of international law.
China believes these particular messages have the potential of reverberating among its Global South partners due to the fact that, apart from an advocate, these countries are in need of a trustworthy, predictable, and engaged partner. Taking into account Trump administration’s quasi-isolationist policies in the US and the EU’s predominant focus on Ukraine and internal issues, China’s positioning may indeed appear quite compelling to its Global South partners, if only due to the lack of an alternative. The great number of Global South states participating in the Chinese-led Global Development Initiative, aimed at “building a community with a shared future for mankind in the field of development,” seems to be a proof that the Chinese rhetoric resonates well with its addressees.
THIRD PILLAR: MUTUAL BENEFITS AND MULTILATERAL WORLD ORDER
Whereas the US and EU are busy with pursuing their own interests and are not willing to share their economic or technological resources with other countries, China presents itself as an alternative, prioritizing mutual benefits and cooperation reaching far beyond its own immediate interests. Beijing’s narratives portray it as a superpower that does not seek influence or domination, but instead pursues policies that are best for all the nations, thus creating a “community of common destiny.”
This concept manifests itself in China being a vocal proponent of involving the countries of the Global South in the process of the resolution of the Russo-Ukrainian war. As these countries too, deserve to have their voices heard globally, China is willing to help and allow that to happen. On top of that, Beijing’s calls for the adherence to the UN Charter and maintenance of multilateral world order in resolving the conflict constitute further attempts to structurally enhance the Global South countries’ status in the international arena.
IMPLICATIONS FOR GLOBAL GEOPOLITICS
Visibly, the scope of China’s narratives on the Russo-Ukrainian war reaches far beyond this sheer conflict and includes the promotion of Beijing’s more general ideas regarding the reshaping of the international world order and the enhanced role the Global South would play in it. As the scope of China’s narratives is global, their implications could have an equally large outreach.
Beijing’s seemingly righteous narrative of becoming the voice of the Global South countries and making their opinions heard across the globe could be perceived as one of the crucial elements of China’s grand strategy, aiming at undermining the Western dominance. In fact, this strategy may lead to the deepening of the already existent division into the so-called Global North and Global South. In turn, this division may transform into a situation bearing striking similarities to the Cold War period, this time, however, divided into the North and South, rather than the East and West.
Of course, as the current economic and political situation is entirely different and much more complex than in the past, the division between globally competing blocs would be no longer rooted in an ideological battle between capitalism and communism. Instead, it would be a New Cold War of narratives and perceptions regarding the contrasting visions of global governance, economic development, and international order.
CONCLUSIONS
China’s strategic narratives on the Russo-Ukrainian war represent a meticulously crafted effort to strengthen its influence among the Global South countries, thus challenging the Western global hegemony. By leveraging the narratives of peace, sovereignty, mutual benefits, and multilateral world order, China juxtaposes itself against the West led by the US and promotes itself as an alternative superpower fully committed to establishing a fair and inclusive global order.
So far, this strategy has been quite successful. Nonetheless, while promoting its narratives, China seems to be forgetting that the Global South is an immensely complex and differentiated group of countries with their own histories, views, and interests. It is true that in its practical actions, for example the development initiatives, China takes that complexity into account and pursues country-specific bilateral dialogues and agreements. However, in the case of its narratives, China seems to be treating the Global South as a nearly monolithic group. In a medium-term perspective, this misconception may lead to disagreements and misunderstandings, thus heavily backfiring on China’s plan to create an anti-Western front and undermining its efforts vis-à-vis the Global South.
China’s ultimate success will also depend on whether it will be able to maintain the delicate balance: presenting itself as a neutral and inclusive superpower while ensuring that its practical actions align with its rhetoric and narratives. Maintaining this balance is precisely one of the most important challenges faced by China and other global state and non-state actors nowadays. It is no longer enough to win a battle or undertake successful practical steps on the ground. One must also make sure that they are coherently narrated and perceived as victorious or righteous in the public sphere. Strategic narratives are as crucial as military victories, and in an era dominated by digital communication, some of the most decisive battles are no longer fought with weapons, but with words and images on social media.

Konrad Szatters graduated in English and Chinese Philology and European Interdisciplinary Studies from the University of Silesia and the College of Europe in Natolin. His research focuses on strategic narratives in Chinese foreign policy, EU-China relations, and development initiatives. Currently, he is an Associate Researcher within the Jean Monnet Network project on EU heritage diplomacy in Ukraine. Previously, he worked at the Polish Embassy in Beijing, China, and the College of Europe in Natolin as an Academic Assistant. His work has been published in Rzeczpospolita, Gazeta Wyborcza, New Eastern Europe, Europe-Asia Studies Journal, and Central European Institute of Asian Studies.
czytaj więcej
Online Course: “Conflict Resolution and Democracy”
The course will be taught via interactive workshops, employing the Adam Institute’s signature “Betzavta – the Adam Institute’s Facilitation Method“, taught by its creator, Dr. Uki Maroshek-Klarman. The award-winning “Betzavta” method is rooted in an empirical approach to civic education, interpersonal communication and conflict resolution.
Dr Krzysztof Zalewski participates in the Kigali Global Dialogue in Rwanda
A short note and photo gallery from the chairman of the Board of the Boym Institute, who stays in Rwanda at the "Kigali Global Dialogue" conference.
Peace is a precondition for LiFE. How systemic conflicts endanger developmental goals
The G20 can play a pivotal role in dealing with the mounting global challenges by proposing policy coordination and solutions disincentivising armed conflicts.
Krzysztof ZalewskiThe Boym Institute message to Chinese policymakers and analysts
The EU-China relations require common perspective on Russia’s invasion on Ukraine
Women’s liberation in China: interview with prof. Wu Lijuan
Interview of Ewelina Horoszkiewicz with prof. Wu Lijuan - Associate Professor at the Department of Sociology at Peking University. Her research concentrates on the gender issues and social changes brought about by globalization. She wrote a book “Job Placements and Job Shifts in China: The Effects of Education, Family Background and Gender”.
Ewelina HoroszkiewiczHow to deal with gender-based segregation?
Interview on the project Supporting the Economic Empowerment of Afghan Women through Education and Training in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Magdalena Sobańska-Cwalina and Krzysztof M. Zalewski (The Boym Institute) in discussion with: Yakup Beris, Johannes Stenbaek Madsen, Maria Dotsenko, Gulnar Smailova,
Zespół Instytutu BoymaWe’re Stronger Together – an Interview with Minister Marcin Przydacz
"Cooperation and investments – we are absolutely up for it. However, we prefer to keep a certain degree of caution when it comes to entrusting the transfer of technology and critical infrastructure to external investors. The security of Poland and the EU should be considered more important than even the greatest economic gains..."
This is the second part of an inquiry into Ulaanbaatar’s winning 2040 General Development Plan Conception (GDPC). In this part of paper, I look into some of the plans and/or solutions proposed in Ulaanbaatar’s 2040 GDPC.
Paweł SzczapTime for a new normal – enhancing Europe’s military profile in the Indo-Pacific in 2025
2024 witnessed a notable stepping up of Europe’s military profile in the Indo-Pacific. Building on these developments, 2025 should be a year of continuation, bringing even more defence engagement of European states with their Indo-Pacific partners.
Jakub WitczakAiluna Shamurzaeva – Research Fellow at the Boym Institute
Her research focuses on political economy, migration studies, and international trade. Ailuna, we are more than happy to welcome you to the team!
Uzbekistan, under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has embarked on a path of reform. Almost daily, the media there report on new initiatives and projects. It is no coincidence that in December 2019 The Economist awarded Uzbekistan the country of the year title.
Magdalena Sobańska-CwalinaCoronavirus outbreak in Poland – General information and recommendations for entrepreneurs
Kochański & Partners and the Boym Institute engaged in delivering information about latest after-effects of COVID-19 pandemia, which has begun to spread in Poland during the past days.
Interview: Why Does Poland Need ‘17+1’?
Interview with Michał Wójcik - Director of the Department of International Cooperation of the Ministry of Marine Economy and Inland Navigation (DWM MGMiŻŚ). In the Ministry, he is leading the Coordinating Secretariat for Maritime Issues , monitoring the cooperation of Central and Eastern European States with China.
Krzysztof ZalewskiRoman Catholic cemetery in Harbin (1903-1958)
First burials of Catholics, mostly Poles but also other Non-Orthodox believers took place in future Harbin in the so called small „old” or later Pokrovskoe Orthodox cemetery in the future European New Town quarter and small graveyards at the military and civilian hospitals of Chinese Eastern Railway at the turn of XIX and XX century.
Jerzy CzajewskiInvest and cooperate with Serbia or Poland? A dilemma for South Korean companies
This paper explains why Serbia may replace Poland as a strategic outsourcing centre for South Korean companies in Central and Southern Europe.
Nicolas LeviThe Dasgupta Review on Women and the Environmental Crisis
Commissioned in 2019 by the British government and published in February 2021, The Dasgupta Review has been likened to the 2006 Stern Review. Where the latter brought to widespread attention the many failings of the world economy in the face of global warming, the former makes similar points as regards biodiversity – and identifies the unique challenges faced by women.
Dawid JuraszekWomen in Public Debate – A Guide to Organising Inclusive and Meaningful Discussions
On the occasion of International Women's Day, we warmly invite you to read our guide to good practices: "Women in Public Debate – A Guide to Organising Inclusive and Meaningful Discussions."
Ada DyndoYoung Indo-Pacific: Forward-looking perspectives on the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy
The Boym Institute, working with other think tanks, organizes panel discussions on topics related to the European Union's Indo-Pacific strategy
The strategic imperatives driving ASEAN-EU free trade talks: colliding values as an obstacle
Recently revived talks aimed at the conclusion of an inter-regional free trade agreement between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the European Union (EU) are driven by strategic imperatives of both regions.
Robin RamcharanLiquidation of the Polish colony in Manchuria (north-eastern China)
Ms. Łucja Drabczak - A Polish woman born in Harbin, she spent her childhood in China. She returned to Poland at the age of 10. She is the author of the book 'China... Memories from my childhood'. She contacted us to convey special family memories related to leaving Manchuria in 1949.
To free oneself from the Chinese embrace. On Indo-Russian relations with Nandan Unnikrishnan
Interview with Nandan Unnikrishnan, who has served for many years as a correspondent for Indian media in Russia. Currently he is a research fellow at the Observer Research Foundation in Delhi. The interview was conducted during the Raisina Dialogue 2019 in Delhi.
Krzysztof ZalewskiNavigating tomorrow – the significance of Australia’s navy build-up
Australia has recently announced a plan to build the largest fleet since World War II. This move constitutes another step in Canberra's shift of defence strategy and commitment to adapt to the changing security environment.
Jakub WitczakAn “Asian NATO”: Chances and perspectives
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has reinvigorated NATO. Can the Chinese pressure on its neighbours, especially Taiwan, create an Asian equivalent of NATO?
Paweł BehrendtChinese work on the military use of artificial intelligence
Intensive modernization and the desire to catch up with the armed forces of the United States made chinese interest in the military application of futuristic technologies grow bigger.
Paweł Behrendt