Articles

India’s Expanding Strategic Engagement with Europe

India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, concluded a five-day visit to Europe from May 15 to 20, 2026, covering the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, and Italy. The central purpose of the visit was to attend the India–Nordic Summit 2026, strengthen bilateral and strategic ties with Nordic countries, attract Nordic investment to India, and foster cooperation in areas such as green technology.

 

Instytut Boyma 25.05.2026

Narendra Modi — Official Facebook Page | Image collage edited with the assistance of Claude AI (Anthropic)

India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, concluded a five-day visit to Europe from May 15 to 20, 2026, covering the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, and Italy. The central purpose of the visit was to attend the India–Nordic Summit 2026, strengthen bilateral and strategic ties with Nordic countries, attract Nordic investment to India, and foster cooperation in areas such as green technology. More broadly, the visit raises important questions regarding the future trajectory and further deepening of India–Europe cooperation.

India and the Nordic Region: Cooperation for the Global South

India has steadily enhanced its multisectoral bilateral partnerships with Nordic countries in areas such as economic cooperation, climate change, sustainable maritime governance, education, research, maritime security, as well as people-to-people and cultural exchanges. The first India–Nordic Summit was held in 2018 in Stockholm, Sweden, followed by the second summit in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 2022 (Press Information Bureau, 2022; Siddiqui, 2026; Stener, 2026). Key areas of discussion have included multilateral cooperation in post-pandemic economic recovery (particularly during the 2022 summit), climate change, sustainable development, innovation, digitalisation, and green and clean growth. India has also consistently invited and encouraged Nordic countries to invest in its blue economy sectors and the Sagarmala project, which aims to promote port-led development in India (S. and W. of I. Ministry of Ports, n.d.; Siddiqui, 2026).

The third India–Nordic Summit, held in 2026 in Oslo, Norway, brought together Prime Minister Modi and his counterparts from all five Nordic nations (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026b). The summit focused on deepening India’s economic, research, and technological ties with the Nordic region. Its most significant outcome was the elevation of India–Nordic relations to a “Green Technology and Innovation Strategic Partnership” (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026b).

The primary aim of this partnership is to cooperate in the development of green technologies, implement them at India’s scale, and subsequently share them with countries in the Global South to promote collective growth and planetary sustainability.

Additionally, both sides share common objectives, including addressing climate change, transitioning to green energy sources, enhancing maritime security, and promoting the blue economy. To advance these goals, India and the Nordic countries agreed to collaborate on wind and hydrogen energy projects, joint Arctic and polar research initiatives, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and Research and Development (R&D), particularly in green technologies and climate change. They also agreed to strengthen digital cooperation, which could help accelerate India’s digital public infrastructure (DPI) and provide a replicable model for the developing world (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026b).

The India–Nordic Summit helps shape a broader strategic framework for India’s engagement with the Nordic region, while its goals and outcomes are implemented through both bilateral cooperation with individual Nordic countries and wider multilateral engagement. Each Nordic country holds a specific strategic value for India. For instance, Norway is a priority partner in the shipbuilding sector; Sweden in defence, economic, and space cooperation; while Iceland, Finland, and Denmark are important for green technology, digital innovation, and Arctic research (DD India, 2026; Gahr & Modi, 2026; S. and W. Ministry of Ports, 2025; Modi, 2026b, 2026c; Press Information Bureau, 2022; Siddiqui, 2026; Stener, 2026). India also elevated bilateral relations to the Strategic Partnership level with both Norway and Sweden during this summit, demonstrating a long-term commitment and political will towards building deep ties with the Nordic region (Government Offices of Sweden, 2026).

The Geopolitical Rationale Behind India’s Strategic Nordic Engagement

India’s deepening engagement with Nordic countries is not merely economic; it is also driven by strong geopolitical considerations rooted in geographical realities and the growing strategic significance of the Arctic region in global affairs.

As Arctic ice continues to melt, it raises serious environmental concerns with far-reaching consequences. These include shifts in weather patterns, changes in global ocean temperatures and wind systems, disruptions to monsoon cycles and agricultural production, and alterations in ocean currents. Such developments carry profound implications for India and its population of approximately 1.4 billion, making Arctic-related issues a strategic priority for the country. Consequently, India has increasingly promoted Arctic research, as reflected in the establishment of its permanent research station, Himadri, in 2008 at Ny-Ålesund, Svalbard, Norway. The station is dedicated to research in biological, glaciological, and atmospheric sciences (Government of India, 2022; Ministry of Earth Sciences of India, 2022; Embassy of India in Oslo, 2022).

Beyond environmental concerns, the melting of Arctic ice is also creating new opportunities for global trade by opening alternative maritime routes. Moreover, it is unlocking vast reserves of natural resources, including oil, natural gas, minerals, freshwater, fisheries, and renewable energy potential (Arctic Portal, n.d.). According to the 2008 US Geological Survey, the Arctic region—defined as the polar area surrounding the North Pole and encompassing the Arctic Ocean and eight surrounding states, including the United States (Alaska), Canada, Russia, and the five Nordic countries of Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Iceland—is estimated to contain approximately 22% of the world’s undiscovered oil and gas reserves, amounting to nearly 412 billion barrels of oil equivalent. Of these resources, roughly 78% are believed to consist of natural gas and natural gas liquids (NGLs) (Arctic Portal, n.d.; Bird et al., 2008).

For India, whose economic development requires sustained access to natural resources, maintaining cordial relations with resource-rich countries and regions is essential for securing energy supplies, particularly through emerging shipping routes. At the same time, a resource-rich region such as the Arctic naturally becomes a site of geopolitical competition among major and regional powers. A recent example is President Donald Trump’s position that Greenland—a resource-rich Arctic territory and an autonomous constituent of the Kingdom of Denmark—should come under United States jurisdiction (Nova, 2025). This stance generated diplomatic tensions between the United States, Denmark, and European Union (EU) member states. Any geopolitical or military confrontation in the Arctic would likely have global repercussions. As a result, Arctic states and major global powers, including India, are increasingly engaged in efforts to preserve peace, stability, and multilateral cooperation in the region. India also holds observer status in the Arctic Council, the principal high-level intergovernmental forum for cooperation and coordination among Arctic nations, of which all Nordic countries are members.

India’s Broader European Engagement

Apart from the India–Nordic Summit, Prime Minister Modi also visited the Netherlands, Sweden, and Italy, making this one of the most expansive European tours undertaken by an Indian Prime Minister. The visit involved engagement with seven countries in five days—namely the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Iceland, Denmark, and Italy. During this tour, India elevated its bilateral relations with the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden to the level of Strategic Partnership, while establishing a Special Strategic Partnership with Italy. These developments demonstrate India’s intent to build comprehensive and strategically significant ties across different regions of Europe.

India also signed several significant economic and strategic agreements during the visit. For instance, a joint agreement on semiconductor manufacturing in India was concluded between ASML, a leading Dutch semiconductor equipment company, and Tata Electronics, one of India’s major electronics firms. Under this agreement, ASML will support Tata Electronics by supplying high-precision lithography machines, thereby enabling advanced semiconductor manufacturing in India (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026a).

In Sweden, India signed cooperation agreements covering the economic, defence, technology, and space sectors (Government Offices of Sweden, 2026; Kristersson et al., 2026; Modi, 2026a). In the area of space cooperation, Sweden agreed to participate in India’s Venus Orbiter Mission and will develop an instrument called the Venusian Neutrals Analyser (VNA) for use in the mission (MyGov India, 2026; Singh, 2026).

India and Italy also concluded agreements on connectivity, particularly regarding cooperation on the India–Middle East–Europe Corridor (IMEC), a multimodal transport corridor linking India and Europe through the Middle East (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026c, 2026d). Additionally, Italy agreed to cooperate with India in joint defence production, commercial space collaboration, maritime security, and broader engagement in the Indo-Pacific region (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026).

Discussions during these visits also addressed the ongoing wars in Ukraine and West Asia, which have contributed to global energy shortages and intensified great-power rivalry, thereby generating significant uncertainty in the international order. Amid this uncertainty, India views its partnerships with European countries as essential for addressing global challenges through sustained dialogue and multisectoral cooperation. In its engagements with the Nordic countries, the Netherlands, and Italy, India also reached agreements on cooperation in global governance institutions, including the United Nations, reforms of multilateral institutions, and the condemnation of and firm action against all forms of terrorism worldwide (Ministry of External Affairs of India, 2026b; Modi, 2026c). Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi explicitly stated that, “India and Europe are strategic partners for a balanced, secure, and sustainable world” (Modi, 2026a). This statement encapsulates India’s position that the India–Europe partnership is intended to promote peace, growth, and sustainability, rather than being understood through the lens of a traditional geopolitical alliance.

Across bilateral meetings, India’s engagement also consistently included invitations to business leaders to invest in India, collaborate with Indian technology firms, and strengthen institutional and educational partnerships with research institutions and universities. These efforts aim to foster deeper and more sustainable India–Europe connectivity, with the longer-term objective of expanding collaboration across the developing world (Gahr & Modi, 2026; Kristersson et al., 2026; Modi, 2026a, 2026b).

Furthermore, India signed a free trade agreement with the EU in February 2026, which is expected to facilitate trade and deepen economic engagement. Consequently, India is likely to witness increased cooperation with EU member states across Nordic, Central-Eastern, and Western Europe.

Challenges and the Way Forward

Despite growing momentum, significant challenges remain in advancing India–EU relations. The foremost obstacle is the insufficient level of political trust and strategic convergence between the two sides. While India and Europe are increasingly interested in deepening economic cooperation and extracting mutual benefits, there remains comparatively less political will—particularly on the European side—to cultivate a deeper strategic partnership with India. This hesitation stems largely from concerns over India’s continued engagement with Russia and broader foreign policy divergences. However, addressing these concerns requires a deeper understanding of India’s strategic thinking and political culture.

First and foremost, it is essential to recognise the enduring pragmatism of India’s foreign policy, characterised by strategic autonomy and independent decision-making. Questions are often raised in Western strategic circles and media regarding why European countries or the broader West should trust India, particularly given its long-standing partnership with Russia—a country widely perceived as an existential threat in Europe (Economic Times, 2026; GLOBSEC Forum, 2022). This is a legitimate question and deserves a direct response: India has historically remained loyal to those who supported it during times of strategic vulnerability.

For instance, the Soviet Union during the Cold War, and later Russia, provided critical support to India during the 1971 war with Pakistan and remained a key security partner thereafter. Even amid immense diplomatic, political, and economic pressure from Western countries during the war in Ukraine, India maintained its ties with Russia, reflecting continuity in its strategic outlook and a pragmatic commitment to long-standing partnerships.

Similarly, Israel extended crucial military assistance to India during the 1962 war with China, despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations at the time. Diplomatic ties between India and Israel were established only in 1992; nevertheless, Israel continued to support India, including during the 1999 Kargil conflict (Operation Vijay) against Pakistan (Bhattacherjee, 2017; Malik, 2017; Sharma, 2023). Today, India maintains strong defence and strategic relations with Israel despite the risk that such ties could complicate its relations with several West Asian countries. These examples illustrate a broader pattern: despite geopolitical pressures and diplomatic constraints, India has remained consistent in safeguarding its national interests, preserving strategic autonomy, and honouring relationships with long-standing partners.

Therefore, the key point European countries must understand about India’s strategic culture is this: India does not abandon those who stood by it in difficult times. This consistency should be viewed not as a weakness, but as a source of reliability in India’s foreign policy. If European countries acknowledge this strategic logic and invest in India through sustained multisectoral cooperation, trust-building, and long-term engagement, the returns are likely to be durable and mutually beneficial. To overcome differences and foster confidence, regular institutionalised political dialogue, strategic consultations, and sustained people-to-people engagement remain the only credible pathways toward a stronger India–Europe partnership.

Secondly, as India, the Nordic countries, and the broader European Union increasingly converge on shared interests in the Indo-Pacific, a practical way forward lies in establishing issue-based minilateral groupings. Such frameworks could facilitate cooperation in the Global South and within regional institutions across the Indo-Pacific, including the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), the African Union (AU), and other developing regions where India and Europe possess complementary strengths and shared strategic interests.

In the end, the future of India–Europe relations will depend not on the absence of differences, but on the willingness to build trust despite them.

 

Acknowledgement: The author would like to sincerely thank Dr. Krzysztof M. Zalewski for his thorough review and insightful, detailed, and constructive comments, which significantly enhanced the quality of this paper.

 

References:

 

 

Nihar Kulkarni

is a PhD scholar of international relations at the Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland. His PhD thesis examines “the evolution of India’s strategic partnership with Japan in the Indo-Pacific region since 2007." His research areas include India’s foreign policy and national security, geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region, great power politics, strategic partnerships, and alliance frameworks. His work primarily examines evolving strategic and geopolitical dynamics in Asia and the broader international system.

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